Session 5 Social and Development Issues

Session Papers

Precolonial Agroforestry and its Implications for the Present: the Case of the Sultanate of Damagaram, Niger

F.W. Sowers¹ and Manzo Issoufou²

Abstract

This case study presents a precolonial system of agroforestry based on the protection of a certain number of useful species of which Acacia albida (gao in Haousa) was the most important. The sultanate of Damagaram in the 19th century covered the central and western parts of the present Department of Zinder in Niger. It profited from religious and economical upheaval, particularly under the reign of sultan Tanimoune, to enlarge its domain. The control of the Talakawa, its subjects, was carried out through an administration which became more and more bureaucratic. One of its famous laws concerns tree protection and states that "whoever cuts down a [protected] tree cuts off his own head". The calculated application of the law, together with the distribution of gao seeds prompted the widespread establishment of agroforestry parklands with A. albida as the dominant species. Although this repressive rule disappeared during the colonial period, numerous examples of these parks persist and continue to be rejuvenated. When drawing conclusions from this historic example, it seems that while repression is not a crucial element for the spreading of gao trees, centralized authority and organization, especially as the scale of activity increases, may be indispensable.

Introduction

The hinterlands of Zinder, in eastern Niger, bear witness to surprisingly frequent and dense stands of trees in agricultural fields. The composition of these stands, generally dominated by Acacia albida (or gao), is noteworthy in that most species in them are known for their usefulness. The historical span of this agroforestry association is reflected in the varying ages of these gao trees. In the light of current difficulties with tree planting, the presence of these stands, dating from the precolonial era, merits study. What inducements succeeded in establishing these customary practices? To what degree and in what form did these practices survive the profound transitions associated with colonial and post-colonial rule? What lessons can be learned from this historical evolution?

This case study is part of a larger examination of the relationship between land and tree tenure in Niger. This paper aims to describe different ecological zones and planting, maintenance and usufruct practices for trees and their by-products among the different cultural traditions. The study employed a rapid rural reconnaissance methodology that combined a literature review with directed field surveys. The particular form of land/tree tenure raised by the Damagaram sultanate case inspired us to continue our investigations at the court of the present Sultan as well as into the surrounding villages.

The information thus collected confirms the remark made by Bonfils (1987) that "a certain sultan let the hand be cut off of anyone who cut down a gao and signals the nature of a precolonial system that, while effective, was also centralized and repressive." From these observations it is tempting to formulate the somewhat heretical hypothesis that "to make agroforestry succeed, local participation does not necessarily imply individual liberalization nor a devolution of central authority." To what extent is this hypothesis true? Can it be applied more generally in the current political and ecological contexts?

Protection of the environment for rational and efficient management is not a recent phenomenon in the agricultural landscape of Niger. Conservation practices were integrated into the traditional organization at the village level which gave rise to the concept of land management (gestion des terroirs). It is certain that colonialism and the introduction of a new logic of territorial administration have precipitated a spatial reorganization and a transformation of agrosilvipastoral interests. However, neither the traditional practices, nor the traditional logic have disappeared completely, and a legislative patchwork (bricolage juridique, Le Roy 1991) characterizes this inheritance so far as land and tree tenure issues are concerned. In Zinder, farmers still refer to the "trees of the Sultan". It is an appropriate moment to contribute to the ongoing discussion of agroforestry practices and constraints and consider once again the role of the State in the initiation and the application of natural resource policies, programs, and of natural resource management projects. With regard to the agroforestry of A. albida, Nigerien experiments so far have shown that inducement to plant and to protect young trees remains ambiguous.

Historical Context

Although the situation in Zinder is relatively specific, it was not exceptional. In certain regions, e.g. in Gaya in southwestern Niger, a chief traditionally dealt with village issues. At the same time there was le Tchangakoye, who concentrated his efforts on protection of the environment and its resources, on cultivated land, woodlands, and grazing land and who, as such, exercised a power acknowledged by all. They surrounded themselves with certain myths and virtues and were feared by the people, as they were believed to be in contact with the spirits and wild animals of the forests. A system of control and forestry resource management was thus established that was very effective at the time.

In Zinder, it was under the reign of Tanimoune (1854-84) that the management of natural resources underwent an unprecedented expansion still bearing fruit today. Understanding the system of tree ownership and use, and of the land tenure situation in this sultanate is directly related to an understanding of the region's history and the way state control in Damagaram developed.

At the beginning of the 19th century, Damagaram consisted only of a small group of six villages, which paid tribute to the Bornu empire. The group of villages was often victim of raids by Tuaregs from the north, or was threatened by their immediate neighbors (Dunbar 1970). Damagaram and its capital city, Zinder, benefitted indirectly from the upheavals which characterized the central Sudanian zone at the time. The Jihad of the Fulbe in the heart of the Sokoto caliphate served at the same time to distract Bornu's attention, thus making the expansion of Damagaram possible. When Tanimoune overthrew his brother Ibrahim and took over in 1854, "Damagaram had become the most powerful state north of Kano and also the best situated to pursue commerce and military campaigns" (Collion 1982).

The wealth of Damagaram depended on three related sources-on taxes and income from the caravan trade, the capture and the exchange of slaves, and internal taxes. In all manuscripts related to the sultanate of Damagaram it is confirmed that the empire reached its peak with the reign of Tanimoune (Salifou 1971). It was indeed under Tanimoune that the sultanate became independent from the Bornu suzerain kingdom. His achievements included the fortification of Zinder, development of trade with la Tripolitaine and the forming of an army. This fearsome army, equipped with modern weapons, conquered surrounding peoples in the region, thus extending the borders of the sultanate to the gates of Kano in the south, to Aderbissannat in the north, to Maradi towards the west and to the Komadougou towards the east.

As he expanded his power, Tanimoune established an administration with a direct representative of the sultan in each locality, whose responsibility it was to strictly control the reigning dynasty in that locality. Dunbar (1970) traces this growing administrative evolution, detailing the spreading of various appointed representatives throughout the state. This "bureaucratization" had an effect in the area of natural resources particularly through the reinforcement by the State of the role of the Sarkin Dawa, or master of the bush.

The Agroforestry System of Damagaram

In view of the abundance of arable land at the time, it is surprising that management of forestry resources was of such special importance. Why was this so? The various European explorers who visited the sultanate in 1851 were struck by how little of the total area was under cultivation. The practice of leaving land fallow for six years was still in practice all the way through the first half of the 20th century.

The establishment of the empire was accompanied by the introduction of a land tenure system based on total appropriation of the land conquered by the sultan. The citizens who were free but without title (the Talakawa), were little more than serfs who were obliged to pay tithes at the end of each harvest. It can therefore be speculated that restrictions on cutting down trees were instituted for political reasons, as a means of control by the central level of a dispersed population, rather than, in the first instance, to carry out a better ecological land management. The present state of research does not allow us to confirm nor invalidate this hypothesis. But the question deserves further investigation.

Nevertheless, due to the peace that was reestablished throughout the sultanate, sedentarization and its corollaries-the extension of land under cultivation-increased and was certainly accompanied by locally excessive clearing of land that had been left uncultivated until then. Faced with this fact, the sultan and his counsellors took stock of the damage inflicted and found no better solution than to take draconian measures to ensure protection of the environment.

It is in this context that the 'law' on protection of the environment was adopted at the sultan's court. Revolutionary for its time, this law effectively stipulated that "whoever cuts down a tree, cuts off his own head." In other words, the life of a tree was worth as much as the life of a man. This law also named a certain number of protected species. Whether used as a pretext or reflecting far-sightedness, the law was effective.

The Protected Species

The species protected by the sultan in the traditional agricultural systems, later called 'trees of the sultan' were gao (A. albida), adouwa (Balanites aegyptiaca), kouna or magaria (Ziziphus mauritania), madachi dirmi (Khaya senegalensis), maggé and gamji (Ficus spp.). The gao was the most protected tree. This was no coincidence, for its role and its multiple virtues were understood at a very early stage by the farmers and the reigning class of the sultanate.

Intuitively, people were aware that the gao concentrated and fixed nitrogen, which was useful for restoration and maintenance of soil fertility. They also noticed an improvement of the physical and chemical quality of the soil. The demand for pods and leaves that form a source for fodder for animals, especially for the sheep and goats, is also of particular importance during the transitional season (April, May, June), when herbaceous pasture is scarce, and the leaves and pods of the gao therefore form a desirable aerial pasture. This regulating role of the gao was understood at a very early stage by the farmers of Damagaram.

Aspects of Awareness of the Protection of the Environment

The application of this law was made easier by certain factors. First, it was a revolutionary law, as trees had until then always been considered as gifts from the gods, hence not to be owned by anyone. At the same time, the sultan was paying particular attention to trees. This was possible because the Talakawa considered the sultan as a representative of the gods to whom unconditional respect had to be paid. The saying that "the life of a tree is worth as much as the life of a man" produced victims, as some recalcitrant farmers were executed to set an example for others. This news spread through the whole sultanate and from these acts people's behavior towards trees began to change.

Secondly, the application of this law was aided by an intelligence gathering system of formidable effectiveness and organization that was feared by the people and even by the closest collaborators of the sultan. Some became victims of their own zeal and dishonesty.

Thus, to assure protection of the environment, informants were recruited in every village, without their chief's knowledge, sometimes from the most deprived classes of the fringe of society. Each reporter was to give true information, describing in the greatest detail the offender's appearance, the place as well as the circumstances of the damage. Lies were not tolerated, for the informant could then become victim of his own trickery. Also, he had to be discreet and capable of transmitting the information rapidly (without being suspected) and without any intermediary, directly to the sultan's court. The only exception to these draconian measures was cutting green wood for funerals. Dead wood could be gathered with the village chief's permission but any excess could be punished.

This information system involved a kind of self-control and formed the very base of respect for the law as decreed by the sultan. For every Talakawa, wherever he was and at any moment, felt he was being watched and not free to do whatever he liked with the trees. The appropriation of all land by the sultan was also reinforced by means of this effective control of trees. The particular case of the Sultanate of Damagaram represents a transfer of awareness of tree protection (the most important one being A. albida) from the reigning dynasty (the political class) to the rest of the population.

From a dynamic perspective, this awareness grew, became real, and guided Damagaram's citizens' behavior towards trees. The consequences of this now seem to be deeply anchored. Soon, the ambiguous and ambivalent belief that the tree belonged to the spirits of the bush, according to the non-Islamized, or to Allah for those for whom Islamization had been accelerated under Tanimoune, was replaced by the belief that "the tree belongs to the sultan". They still talk in this way in the oldest rural districts of Damagaram. This idea was reinforced all the more since the sultan and later his successors proceeded to plant trees, "gao" trees in particular, and dispersed the seeds throughout the whole empire. The villagers were made to work and, since they lacked idle time, they were thus more pliant and less likely to challenge or disobey the sultan's authority.

Colonial and Post-Colonial Transformations

After the elimination of Adamou Kuuren Daaga in 1899, the conquest by the French and their assumption of power became undeniable, despite the fact that a young legitimate heir was installed as new sultan. The logic of the new political economy progressively transformed the pillars of the precolonial sultanate: decline of the trans-Saharan trade, progressive elimination of slavery, and new forms of taxation with a redirection of fiscal revenues towards a distant colonial power indifferent to local interests (Baier 1980). The ban on cutting trees did not end with the arrival of the French, but its application became less severe under the reign of Sultan Moustapha, and later Oumarou Sanda. In the protection of the environment, the colonial administrators, impressed by the system already in place and in an effort to get the local administration on its side, tried to collaborate with the sultan's court, but this was an illusion-later French laws regulated the appropriation of trees and land to the disadvantage of the local authorities. Has this been a factor affecting people's attitude towards trees? Was colonization in fact a demotivating factor in preserving trees?

The colonial economy set in motion space-consuming processes which made protection of agroforestry trees both more difficult and more important. Now that there was no more income from the trans-Saharan trade, the colonial state initiated other measures to provide income, e.g. taxation of the villagers and their herds. Groundnut cultivation from the 1930s onwards eventually led to the imposition of a policy of group fields (Sutter 1982). This practice was not appreciated by the local population, and ignored the traditional land tenure system, contributed to further land clearing and relegated to the background traditional agroforestry practices. The environment was threatened by population pressure much before the droughts of recent decades. For instance, faced with the disappearance of the bush during the fifties, the Service des Eaux et Forets in the Kantché Canton imposed a 15-year moratorium on the expansion of cultivated areas in order to protect forests. This showed a transfer of ownership: the "sultan's trees" had become "governor's trees", and sparked protests by the local farmers (Nicolas 1962) who felt their land was being sacrificed in favor of pastoral groups which had been given the right of access. Due to local pressures the decision to establish these forests was reversed. This demonstrated that the State's capacity to intervene had decreased relative to the sultan's former authority.

In spite of the inefficiency of the official forestry control measures, regeneration of the "gao" trees between villages continued from the colonial period until today. The "gao" parklands show variation in age, however "sometimes, stands are relatively evenaged, contrary to a dynamic management" (Helmsteter 1990). In other areas one finds a diversity where both young and old trees are well represented. This geographic variation demands supplementary research to distinguish the causes related to historical, or socio-economical factors, to developmental actions or the ecological base of a given area.

Conclusion

An analysis of the factors which favor natural and dynamic regeneration of agroforestry associations dominated by "gao" will allow researchers to better orient his investigations and will help development workers to better define the appropriate methods of action. Such analysis will help formulating necessary reforms of land tenure and forestry legislation. This paper outlines the first steps in that direction. It has been shown that the sociopolitical organization of the sultanate of Damagaram, with its specific behavior towards trees, played an important role in the genesis of the present rural landscape, notably characterized by a dominance of A. albida.

An important conclusion that can be drawn from this example is the fact that every situation merits careful consideration. In each case it is necessary to separate the variables determining the relationships between man and environment and to consider to what extent it is possible to apply experience gained elsewhere. As far as the sultanate of Damagaram is concerned, the autocratic and repressive nature of its administration makes adaption in a modern context of its law regarding protection of trees most unlikely. It is a case where traditional repressive but effective laws were replaced by repressive but ineffective laws. It is clear that an evolution is necessary, but to new forms have still to be worked out. On the other hand, in other situations, traditional codes and institutions could be revitalized and serve as models, e.g. the cases of the Tchangakoye of Gaya or of the Dina of the interior delta of the Niger.

At a time when the winds of change sweep across the Sahel, there is talk of decentralization, of a transfer of power to local people, and of the need to rethink and change the role of the State. The case of Damagaram demonstrates a fact that is often forgotten: the local institutions have never been either egalitarian or autonomous. It would be desirable to abandon the repressive nature of outside control, but at times central or top-down authority is necessary to pursue development and avoid chaos. This is particularly true where projects of large scope are concerned, such as the windbreaks of the Maggia Valley. The moment has come to define a new equilibrium between central authority and local autonomy.

References

Baier, S. 1980. An economic history of central Niger. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press.

Bonfils, M. 1987. Halte à la désertification au Sahel: guide méthodologique. Paris, France: Karthala/Cen-tre technique de cooperation agricole et rurale. 269 pp.

Collion, M.H. 1982. Colonial rule and changing peasant economy in Dmagherim, Niger Republic. Ph.D. Dissertation, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA.

Dunbar, R.A. 1970. Damagaram (Zinder, Niger), 1812-1906: The history of a central Sudanic Kingdom. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, USA.

Helmsteter, D. 1990. Pratiques de fertilisation dans les 5 villages R/D du projet de Développement rural integré de Zinder. Zinder, Niger. (Limited distribution.)

Le Roy, E. 1991. Problématique du foncier et le développement. Presented at the Colloquium on Mobilization of Land and Rural Development in Africa, 9-10 Apr 1991. Paris, France: APRSFA. (Limited distribution.)

Nicholas G. 1962. Problemes Agraires en Pays Hausa. Preliminary mission report. Bordeaux, France: Faculté de lettres and de sciences humaines. (Limited distribution.)

Salifou, A. 1971. Le Damagaram ou Sultanat de Zinder au XIX^e Siècle. Etudes Nigériennes no. 27. Niamey, Niger: Centre national de la recherche scien-tifique. (Limited distribution.)

Sutter, J. 1982. Peasants, Merchant Capital and Rural Differentiation: A Nigerien Hausa Case Study. Ph.D. Thesis, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA.

Footnote__________

1 Center for Research on Economic Development (CRED), University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA

2 Directoral des etudes et de la planification, Ministere de ('agriculture et de l'elevage, Niamey, Niger.

Sowers, F.W., and Issoufou Manzo. 1992. Precolonial agroforestry and its implications for the present: the case of the Sultanate of Damagaram, Niger. Pages 171-175 in Faidherbia albida in the West African semi-arid tropics: proceedings of a workshop, 22-26 Apr 1991. Niamey, Niger (Vandenbeldt. R.J., ed.). Patancheru, A.P. 502 324, India: International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics; and Nairobi, Kenya: International Centre for Research in Agroforestry.